The Search for Just Arab Grievances Does Not Mean Moral Relativism
By Matthew Freytag - Mellon Lecturing Fellow
First Year Writing Program
Five days after the crashes I found myself talking to 12 Quaker kids:
solid citizens all, more hard-working, serious, and responsible than 13-to-16-year-olds
ought to be. But pacifists, mostly, and to a person they were worried,
even scared. Bush had not yet delivered his "either with us or against
us" speech, I think, but the message was abroad: school friends and
others had given the teens to understand pretty clearly that criticism
of the U.S. amounted to support for the terrorists. To their credit, few
of the teens actually had kept silent, but they were closer to being intimidated
than I would have imagined this formidable group of kids could be. Having
aligned themselves with evil in their school's eyes, they felt that they
could not speak safely.
But something odd is going on when national political leaders and people
on the street respond to the September 11 attacks by repeating "They're
wrong and we're right," and "This is no time for moral relativism
- they are evil and we represent good." Did FDR, for example, need
to point out that in opposing the Pearl Harbor attack we were right? Did
Lincoln need to spell out his opposition to moral relativism? If not why
are Bush, Giuliani et al. making such points so determinedly now? Is some
broad U.S. public constituency arguing that the terrorists were right,
or morally good? I've kept my ears open, and I have not heard one participant
in the U.S. debate make that claim - not one. So who are the we're-right-they're-wrong-ers
talking to? Well, it's hard to avoid the conclusion that they're addressing
folks who make the following sort of argument: "We have to ask why
the terrorists did this. And when we ask that question we come up with
a list of U.S. policies, from the deadly embargo on shipments to Iraq
to our alliance with an Israeli state that has kept Palestinians homeless.
Whatever response we make to the terrorist attacks should include a revision
of those policies."
Why on earth does this look like the claim that the terrorists were right?
Well, because it looks like the claim that we're wrong, about something.
Apparently the inference is this: "If our policies were wrong, then
the terrorists were right, and their acts were justified." Note the
ironic convergence: none of the critics of U.S. policy make this inference,
only (1) the new patriotic absolutists and (2) the terrorists themselves.
Why does the critic of U.S. policy look like a moral relativist? That's
harder to explain, but I think the reasoning must be roughly this: "Some
critics are trying to get us to understand the terrorists, to see things
from their point of view. But to do this would be to acknowledge that
they're right from their point of view, just as we are from ours."
Note that this doesn't in fact amount to moral relativism: you can maintain
that someone's right in their own eyes without granting that they actually
are right about anything whatsoever - certainly without granting that
they're right to crash airplanes full of helpless people into occupied
buildings. But to acknowledge that the terrorists and their sympathizers
were right from their own point of view might suggest that we should try
to make sense of and imaginatively occupy it. And that would suggest in
turn that we should forego the pleasure of crying "evil" and
shooting, and instead persist in conversation - if not with al-Qaida,
then with their broad base. We should listen and talk: find out their
concerns, consider which seem reasonable, accommodate those, and with
respect to the rest: persist in conversation, with those who will converse.
Use force to protect ourselves, but never to avoid this sort of conversation
- not with foreign critics and certainly not with domestic.
But I do want to close with my own attempt at flag- and fist-waving moral
declamation, on a different issue. I am fed up with lamentations that
the violence threatens America's spirit. The U.S. is a nation of risk-takers
and free thinkers. The late sodden, burping suburban comfort never represented
America, not the America I came to love as a patriotic elementary schooler.
If the attacks reawaken us to the bracing fragility of our endeavors,
they will have "awakened the spirit of America" in a way those
recommending patriotic credit card spending do not imagine.
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