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NON-TRADITIONAL HOUSEHOLDS

In Thomas Harman’s world of rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars, how does one imagine alternative spaces and notions of the renaissance household? If the Oxford English Dictionary defines household as the inmates of a house collectively, an organized family and the site of domestic economy, then it becomes a transferable space that moves as its “inmates” move. Juxtaposed against the traditional static structures called houses, the households of rogue literature are temporary spaces where people gather. The number of persons belonging to one household varies upon the type of work performed to support the domestic economy. For example, there are the “Palliards,” who travel with their “Morts,” woman-counterparts, and work together to deceive people out of their goods and money. They go separately door-to-door begging for goods that they will sell for hard currency in the market. Every evening they return to their agreed location, likely an outhouse or a sheltered spot on the side of the road.1

Then there is the “wild rogue” who is prone to a wide variety of deceptive exploits in order to maintain himself. Furthermore, wild rogues tend to live amongst each other in larger numbers than most thieves and beggars. Harman describes the nightly convening of their household as follows:


When they meet in the barn at night, every one getteth a make to lie withal, and there chance to be twenty in a company, as there is sometimes more and sometimes less, for one man that goeth abroad there are at the least two women, which never make it strange when they be called, althought she never knew him before.2


In the household space of the wild rogue, men dominate the maintenance of the domestic economy and solely call upon women for sexual pleasure. Harman portrays these women merely as “sex slaves.”3 However, with the large number of men staying in the barn together one has to wonder whether or not these encounters were solely heterosexual. Women were outnumbered by men in regards to vagrancy, and on top of that they were less likely to travel.4

A major critique of Harman’s work is that it perceives vagrants as morally delinquent individuals who choose to steal and beg. Yet history demonstrates that unemployment in the Renaissance era was linked to “economic causes such as the depressions in the textile industry, harvest failures, [and] enclosures.”5 This places the underworld household in a different context. If one associates rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars with joblessness, then the distinction between traditional households and non-traditional households becomes a distinction of the working and unemployed. Moreover, Harman’s stance on gender and sexuality admonishes vagrants as sexually deviant and promiscuous. However, the notion of vagrants as “‘idle, filthy beggars…producing bastards—bore little relation to the facts revealed by the census’…which shows ‘people desperately striving to maintain respectability.’”6

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