.m:2

Contents

 

4.  Calm before the storm: critical Marxism (1964-68).

  4.1  Operaismo and the subject of critique.

  4.2  The split personality of the critical project.

  4.3  The end of liberalism: the State and capital.

  4.4  The Keynesian State of planned equilibrium.

  4.5  Labor and constitution: the transformation of juridical

       formalism.

  4.6  The labor theory of right and the socialism of capital.

  4.7  The dialectic of capitalist development.

  4.8  The internal tensions of the critical project.

 


4. Calm before the storm: critical Marxism (1964-68).

     Before we begin our study of Negri's thought we need to

contextualize it on several different planes: within social theory,

within critical Marxism and within Operaismo or workerism, an Italian

theoretical movement which began in the early 60s. (1)  Our interest

in this period is not principally focussed on the originality of

Negri's theoretical contributions: certainly, there are original and

suggestive analyses here, but if Negri's work had ended in 1968 it

would not command our attention here.  Instead, we are interested in

this period primarily for the foundation it establishes and the

tensions it poses.  These tensions will prove to be the motor of

Negri's theoretical developments in subsequent periods.  In more ample

terms, we could say that Negri's thought pertains to Operaismo and

Operaismo in turn pertains to critical Marxism.  Yet at each level,

this filiation reveals a certain strain or logical conflict; as these

internal tensions develop, the critical endeavors themselves become

increasingly problematic and difficult to sustain.  Our interpretative

strategy in this period, then, will involve recognizing the

participation in the approach of the critical tradition while being

sensitive to the tensions internal to this endeavor.

 

4.1 Operaismo and the subject of critique.

     Operaismo shares the basic theoretical framework common to

critical Marxist positions.  Certainly, there are important

differences among the various tendencies -- the Budapest school, the

Frankfurt school, the Anglo-American New Left, the French

structuralists, etc. -- but all of these develop from a common point

of departure.  It will be useful, then, to set up a general, if highly

reductive framework to outline this horizon.  Critical Marxism is best

situated as a development or a permutation in the Hegelian tradition

of social theory. [cf. Marcuse Reason and Revolution 251ff. and

passim.]  What distinguishes critical Marxism from the other forms of

social or critical theory is not only that the object of the critique

is specified as capitalist society but also, and more importantly,

that in some sense the working class constitutes the standpoint for

the critical endeavor.  (This "working class standpoint" takes several

different forms, more or less related to the actually existing working

class, in the various critical Marxist approaches: we can recognize

it, for example, in the critical focus on labor and alienation or in

the phenomenological analyses of consciousness and political economy. 

We will return to the question of standpoints later.)  Now, if

critical Marxism is distinguished, on one side, from other forms of

critical theory by its standpoint, it is also distinguished from other

forms of Marxism, on the other side, by its conception of development,

by its approach to the project.  The critical endeavor sees itself as

progressive in that through the negation of the present state of

affairs it creates the possibility, the freedom of developing a new

social arrangement.  Indeed, many would claim that this is the

necessary approach for any progressive proposition. [cf., for example,

Reason and Revolution vii-xiv]  Following the approach of critical

Marxism, then, the project is subordinated to the critique.  In other

words, the positive proposition of proletarian power can only arise

subsequent to and as a result of the negation of capitalist society:

the progression is necessarily dialectical.  Therefore, we use

critical Marxism to designate theoretical endeavors which not only

involve a critique of capital on the basis of the standpoint of the

working class, but those which propose that any positive proletarian

project, if it is to be actualized, must arise through the negative

movement of the critique.  The full sequence suggested by critical

Marxism, then, in its most schematic form, is standpoint -> critique

-> project.  Or in other terms we could pose the sequence as

proletarian affirmation -> negation of capital -> more powerful

proletarian affirmation.  The goal of the critical Marxist project,

then, as we have posed it here, is to pass through the critique of

capital in order to arrive again at the affirmation of the proletarian

foundation. 

     Operaismo takes advantage of some of the most powerful elements

offered by this critical approach.  The paradoxical position of the

working class with respect to capital is indeed one of the major

strengths of the critique.  The working class has to be recognized

initially as a force within capital: the salaried worker is created by

capital at its dynamic center as its material productive source.  The

worker is the locus of productive force, but only insofar as the

worker is situated within capitalist relations.  This is true not only

for the individual worker, but also for the class as a whole: "Anche

il movimento organizzato della classe -- nelle sue forme storiche, nei

suoi sindacati, nei suoi partiti --, quando nasce, nasce dentro lo

sviluppo del capitale, delle sue istituzioni politiche ed economiche. 

E non pu• nascere che qui." [La forma Stato 33-4]  However, even

though the working class resides within capital, it lives within as an

other posed against capital, as its contradiction.  Insofar as the

production of the working class is expropriated by capital, insofar as

its labor is alienated, the working class is situated objectively in

opposition to capital.  The conditions of capitalist production are

the very same conditions of capitalist exploitation and thus they are

the foundation of opposition.  Within and against: this is the paradox

which characterizes the relationship between the working class and

capital and which constitutes the basis of the Marxist critique.  The

standpoint of the working class serves as a foundation for the

critique of capital in a complex way: insofar as the working class is

independent of capital it provides a material standpoint with a

critical distance from its object, but at the same time insofar as the

working class is within capital its standpoint provides the basis for

an immanent critique.  The paradox here is simply that insofar as the

working class is within capital its opposition to capital is an

opposition to itself: "Per lottare contro il capitale, la classe

operaia deve lottare contro se stessa in quanto capitale...." [Tronti

260]  This paradoxical perspective provides Operaismo with the

capacity to conduct an immanent and total critique of capital. 

     Up to this point, we have posed the working class and its

standpoint as a contradiction within capital in static or synchronic

terms, but we also need to recognize the contradiction in diachronic

terms, as critique of capitalist development.  This diachronic focus

makes more clear and concrete the real power of the working class in

its relationship with capital.  The salaried worker is created and

recreated by capital as part of an historical dynamic and, in turn,

the workers' labor-power continually creates capital.  On a diachronic

plane, then, the working class is within capital in the sense that the

two are linked in this reciprocal causal dynamic.  This relationship,

however, is driven by an inherent antagonism.  In this regard, June

1848 represents a fundamental moment: the working class presents

itself in history as an independent social force organized against the

capitalist relations of production.  In response to this externality

and antagonism of the working class the capitalist dynamic of

development must be articulated as a dialectic.  In the first moment

the structure of capitalist relations of production pose the

conditions of the existence of the working class; but these same

conditions engender the workers' antagonism to capital, the refusal of

the relationship itself.  In a second moment then, insofar as the

working class expresses itself independently, external to capital, it

destructures the relations of capitalist control.  Consequently, in a

final moment, capital is forced to restructure the relations of

production to reassert its control and reincorporate or recuperate the

working class within itself through a dialectical Aufhebung.  The

scope of capital development, then, is to control and contain the

antagonism of the working class within the elasticity of its

dialectical progression: capitalist structuration -> proletarian

antagonism -> capitalist restructuration.  It is important to

recognize here that the dialectic is driven by the power of the

negative: in other words, even if in some sense the initial

construction of the relationship must be accomplished by capital,

nonetheless, once the relationship has been established, the working

class fills the role of the stimulus of development, the creative

force which pushes forward capitalist innovation.  Therefore, we

should not conceive of the social relation as based on capital's

imposition of its will which is subsequently met by a working class

response; rather, once the working class has emerged as an independent

force, we should conceive of the dynamic in terms of proletarian

action and capitalist reaction.  Capital appears as a conservative

force which is only stimulated toward development and innovation by

working class antagonism.  "A livello di capitale socialmente

sviluppato, lo sviluppo capitalistico Š subordinato alle lotte

operaie, viene dopo di esse e ad esse deve far corrispondere il

meccanismo politico della propria produzione." [Tronti 89]  Once

capital has successfully constructed the relationship in its mature

form (at the level of the entire society), there is an inversion of

struggles and the working class takes the dynamic role.  We can call

this proposition the "leading role" thesis.  It is not the

entrepreneurial spirit of capital, but rather the antagonism posed by

the working class, the workerist refusal of capitalist relations of

production which constitutes the motor driving the development of

mature capitalist society.  The "leading role of the working class" is

not merely the slogan of a future communist society, but it is already

the fact within capital itself.  Once again, in this developmental

form of the critique, the position of the working class within and

against capital appears as a paradox, but it is precisely this

paradoxical position which makes the perspective of the working class

and the antagonism it comprises the most effective analytical key for

a critical reading of capitalist development.

     At this point we can propose the principal theoretical tenets

which form the foundation of Operaismo.  1) On a methodological plane,

the "leading role" thesis tells us that we must begin the critique of

capitalist development from the point of view of the working class

struggles because these constitute its essential dynamic.  "Unless we

grasp this class determinant behind the transformation of capital and

the State, we remain trapped within bourgeois theory ...." [Negri,

"Keynes" 9]  Thus, the theorists of Operaismo attempt to locate the

theoretical point of departure for the critique in the contemporary

workers' struggles.  2) This methodological point leads directly to a

strategic proposition: we should not focus revolutionary energies (of

the critique and subsequently of the project) on the "weakest link" of

the capitalist system as Lenin suggested, but rather on the strongest

link of the workers' movement.  The "strongest link" thesis derives

directly from the thesis of the primacy of workers' struggles and

their leading role in development.  Capital is not predestined to

catastrophe and it never enters crisis of its own accord; only the

maturation and organization of the workers' movement has the power to

bring on a real, definitive crisis and break the dialectic of

capitalist control.  3) These theses lead to a tactical proposition:

the "refusal of work", the rejection of the capitalist relations of

production, in its various manifestations, is the central means by

which the working class can break the cycle of capitalist control. 

This "refusal" can refer to direct actions against capital, such as

organized strikes, slowdowns, riots, direct appropriation, sabotage,

etc., but also indirect actions which reject the terms of capitalist

relations of production, such as absenteeism, drug use or mass

emigrations.  The analytical purpose of this term is to grasp the

generality of the various workers' actions which reject work: workers

do not reject their own productive force or creativity, but rather

they reject the work relation which defines their production in a

framework of capitalist control. 

     Now, while these theses do identify Operaismo as a particular

form of critical Marxism, they do not yet explicitly grasp its

distinctive character.  Operaismo is based on one further tenet, a

global principle which informs each of the others; that is, that there

can be no dualism between the standpoint of the critique and the

actually existing composition of the working class.  No dualism means

that the critique must aim toward a rigorously materialist foundation

in the concrete practices of the working class; it means combatting

any abstraction in the critical process which departs from the daily

experiences of the workers; it means attempting to locate all

theoretical discourse directly on the shop floor.  In this sense, the

Marx of Operaismo is primarily the Marx who so enthusiastically

responded to the uprising of Parisian proletariat in June 1848 and to

the formation of the Commune in 1871; it is the Marx who joyfully

studied the movements of the masses and synthesized their

intelligence.  This is the Marx that Operaismo claims as its lineage

and its proponents go to extraordinary lengths to bring a real

materialist critique to actuality through the wisdom and power of the

working class. 

     The characteristic which most clearly sets Operaismo apart from

other forms of critical Marxism, then, is its insistence on the

working class standpoint, in its effort to read a powerful

subjectivity in the practice of the masses.  The issue of the subject,

however, highlights the tensions which Operaismo discovers in the

critical approach -- it pushes problems inherent to the critical

endeavor to an extreme point, to a point of rupture.  The tradition of

critical Marxism (the Frankfurt School in particular) has made

enormous contributions to our understanding of the ways in which we

are constituted through the complex mechanisms and apparatuses of

capitalist society.  The resulting theory of the subject has proved to

be a very rich one, but we should note that it is nonetheless limited

in that it principally grasps the subject in its receptivity and

plasticity, rather than in its spontaneity.  The subject grasped by

the critique is the subject of exploitation, of alienation, not the

subject of power; it is principally the subject constituted by society

rather than the subject which constitutes society; it is the subject

of natura naturata, not the subject of natura naturans. (2)  This

difference is perhaps more clear in terms of the tri-partite structure

we proposed for the critical process.  If the first moment of the

critical process, the affirmation of the working class standpoint,

does present an active, spontaneous subjectivity in the complex of

needs, desires and practices of the working class, the second moment

of the process, the critique of capital, inverses the focus and

presents a subject which produced capitalist society.  Finally, the

third moment, the proletarian project, if it were to come about, would

point back to the spontaneous subject of the standpoint, this time in

a more coherent form, with a proposition for a new society created

through its power.  This schema, of course, is very reductive, but the

central point is simply that there are two conceptions of the subject

implied in the different moments of our model: the tension between

these two subjects brings into focus the disequilibria at the heart of

the critical project.  Operaismo, with its insistence on pursuing the

standpoint of the actually-existing working class throughout the

critique, brings out the tension between the dual subjects in perhaps

the clearest way.

     Here, however, we have only posed the outlines of critical

Marxism and the fundamental propositions of the Operaisto critique in

their most generic form.  Now we need to enter into the heart of the

matter, examine the specific arguments in their complexity and test

their analytical and practical validity.  In order to facilitate the

exposition, let us consider these premises for the moment as

hypotheses which we will bring into question and verify later in the

text. 

 

4.2  The split personality of the critical project

     Antonio Negri emerged as one of the central figures of the

Operaismo experience and his work during the early 60s in many

respects exemplary of the movement as a whole.  Many years later, when

Negri was in prison charged with political crimes, several judges and

journalists went back to study this period of his life and found it to

be central to his subsequent development.  These authors were very

hostile to Negri and their analyses are clearly marred by inaccurate

information, unfounded hypotheses and an unwavering zeal for criminal

condemnation, but nonetheless, in spite of their intentions, through a

heterogenesis of ends, we find some very suggestive perceptions in

these studies. (3)  What is most striking is that all of these authors

locate the principle problem for analysis in the wide and diverse

scope of Negri's activity in this period: as they try to piece

together a coherent history of his work, they are troubled by two

disparate figures which they cannot manage to reconcile within the

life of a single man.  In caricatured and sensationalized terms, each

author comes to pose the central question, who is the real Toni Negri? 

They portray one Toni Negri who is an intelligent and sincere scholar

in the most formal and traditional sense, who at a very young age has

already secured himself an illustrious university career in Padua.  In

keeping with the most prestigious Italian academic tradition, he has

worked extensively on classical German philosophy from Kant and Hegel

to Dilthey and the historicists.  This is Negri the pure intellectual

who is fascinated by "intellectual gymnastics" and by "adventures in

ideas". [Bocca 64]  Toni Negri il buon professore.  They portray

another Toni Negri, though, who was a militant and agitator with the

workers of the chemical plants at Porto Marghera near Padua.  This is

the Toni Negri who discussed politics at the factory gate before the

morning shift, who led a special study group on Marx's Capital with

the workers and who reportedly had an enormous map of the Montedison

factory on his wall at home so that he could memorize the arrangement

of each of the work groups and develop closer personal ties to the

workers.  This is Negri the militant, the angry and spiteful

subversive who advocates sabotage as a strategy to subvert capital and

the State.  Toni Negri il cattivo maestro.  Certainly, these accounts

paint us two romanticized figures which are blown well out of

proportion, but even when we deflate the rhetoric the central question

persists.  Are there two Toni Negris?  Anyone considering Negri's

theoretical and practical work during this period must indeed come to

terms with a dual existence, an academic career in the university and

a practical political life in the factory -- a split personality.  The

judges and journalists understand this schizophrenia as either a

tragic personality trait (in the case of Bocca) or an elaborate and

sinister deceit (in the case of Palombarini): the virtuous appearances

cast by Negri the intellectual serve to mask the real life of the

seditious conspiritor.  The drama and adventure, the Jeckle and Hyde

mystery painted by these accounts is tantalizing, but we find a more

adequate characterization of Negri's work when we recognize that this

"split personality" is not particular to him, but rather it is a

general phenomenon at the core of Operaismo and indeed of the entire

endeavor of critical Marxism.  The dual nature of Negri's work, then,

does not distinguish him from other critical Marxists; rather, his

work is original (or better exemplary) principally in that he puts

pressure on the slippage inherent in the critical project and brings

it to a point of extreme tension.

     The split personality of critical Marxism follows from the gap

between the critical standpoint and the critique itself.  The

development and articulation of the standpoint of the working class

unfolds principally as a sociological endeavor to understand and

describe the composition of the working class and the real problems,

needs and desires of the workers.  Every example of critical Marxism

must involve some elaboration, projection or at least assumption of

this standpoint.  The critique, however, is conducted on an altogether

different horizon.  Critical theory, according to Marcuse, "is

supposed to analyze existing societies in the light of their own

functions and capabilities and to identify demonstrable tendencies (if

any) which might lead beyond the existing state of affairs."

[Liberation 3, emphasis mine]  Along these lines, the critique of

capitalist society would be carried out with respect to its "own

functions and capabilities" on the basis of logical inference and

rational development; the critique would bring out the contradictions

of capitalist society through a rational projection of capital's own

terms.  Following this conception, there is a considerable gap between

the standpoint of the actual working class and the standpoint of the

critique. (4)  The workers, considered in concrete and subjective

terms, in flesh and blood, seem to be completely absent from the

critical horizon.  In what sense, then, is the standpoint of the

working class the standpoint of the critique?  Critical Marxism, faced

with two disparate conceptions of the standpoint, is built on a

divided foundation.  This problem is of central importance because

locating the critical standpoint in the materiality of the working

class is the principle feature which distinguishes the Marxist

critique from the Hegelian tradition of social theory and which

distinguishes a materialist from an idealist dialectic.

     Negri, like many of the other partisans of Operaismo, sought to

realize the Marxist critique in its fullest sense and thus he was

forced to pursue a dual strategy, investigating the actual composition

of the working class as one endeavor and conducting a critique of

capital as another.  Negri's "split personality" is, in this sense,

exemplary.  The principle operaisto technique for investigating the

standpoint of the working class is the "inchiesta operaia" (the worker

inquiry), or rather the "inchiesta calda" (the hot inquiry), which

involves the study of the practices, needs and desires of the workers,

conducted with the direct participation of workers in order to

determine the class composition and the workers' subjectivity. (5) 

The inquiry is "hot" in the sense that it is carried out within the

factory from the workers' perspective, not from the "cool" distance of

the university.  The purpose of these studies was to gain an adequate

understanding of the Italian working class from the inside out. 

However, for intellectuals like Negri, the effort to go into the

factories and get to know the workers also had a personal effect which

was very important but much less tangible.  Paola Negri explained one

project to one of the journalists: "L'originalit… della nostra

esperienza fu il contatto reale con gli operai.  Toni, Massimo

Cacciari e altri tenevano delle riunioni serali a Porto Marghera dove

si svolgeva questo studio ... di Marx: i professori leggevano un brano

del Capitale e gli operai lo traducevano nei loro problemi reali."

[Bocca 62]  The full effect of this experience is hard to grasp. 

Intellectuals like Negri recognized that they had a great deal to

learn from the workers and through this real contact political

activity took on a very immediate, concrete and practical sense for

them.  More importantly, perhaps, for Negri and many others the joint

projects with the workers and the personal friendships fostered not

only an informed sympathy for their cause but also an intense passion,

a restive desire for utopia and firm conviction of the possibility of

revolution.  The principle result of this practical endeavor is

manifested in an extreme tension.  The passion for real political

action places strain on Negri's intellectual work and infuses it with

a sense of urgency: throughout Negri's writings from this period we

can recognize how he is continually attempting (without great success)

to transform the critique of capital into a real proletarian project. 

The fissure at the heart of critical Marxism, the gap between the

standpoint of the working class and the standpoint of the critique, is

not lessened; rather, the distance is only felt more acutely.

 

4.3  The end of liberalism: the State and capital

     We have to abstract from this practical plane to a certain

extent, from the real contact with the workers, in order to understand

Negri's intellectual work during this period.  Negri's Marxist social

critique of capital proceeds, as Marcuse says it should, by analysing

the existing capitalist society "in light of its own functions and

capabilities" in order to be able to recognize subsequently the

tendencies which might lead beyond it. [3]  The first task of the

critique, then, is to characterize the project of capital.  We should

keep in mind, however, that even though the status of the critical

standpoint is in question, the critique is not conducted purely from

the point of view of capital.  The principle tenets of Operaismo,

which provide a theoretical foundation for the critique, have situated

the working class both within capital and in an eminent position in

relation to capital: the working class is the productive force in the

relationship, the motor of capitalist social innovation.  Confronted

with the power of the working class, how does capital manage to

contain working class antagonism and perpetuate its control of the

relations of production?  How do the forces of reaction prevail?  The

force of this theoretical foundation is to pose the project of

capitalist control of labor as a problem. 

     There is, however, a profound sense in which this analysis is

powered by the perspective of the working class.  Operaismo's critique

of capital is animated by a real ansia rivoluzionaria: it is informed

by the belief that an intimate knowledge of the mechanisms that

maintain capitalist control and order could afford the opportunity for

sabotage.  Like a highly-skilled technician, the theorist could

recognize the critical points in the system, at which a small

pressure, a tiny sabot, could set the entire machine out of kilter. 

Operaismo, in other words, subscribed to a strategy of revolutionary

reformism, a strategy to target specific reformist struggles that, if

pushed beyond the threshold of capitalist recuperation, could cascade

from reformism to revolution.  Therefore, Negri's scholarly approach

to the critique of capital during this period should not be read, as

Bocca might suggest, as a pleasant exercise in intellectual

gymnastics; he does not read Keynes or Kelsen for any enjoyment, but

rather because he hopes to discover through them the essential links

in capital's mechanism that would be vulnerable to workers' sabotage. 

We should keep this agenda in mind while reading the works of this

period. 

     The principle theorist of operaismo worked to pursue their

critique of capital in adjacent and complementary fields of research:

Mario Tronti took the approach of political philosophy; Romano Alquati

focussed on sociological investigations; Alberto Asor Rosa dealt with

cultural studies.  Negri's research sought to illuminate the

problematic through an analysis of the modern State and the juridico-

economic mechanisms of capitalist control.  He reads a statement from

the Italian Constitution of 1948 as symptomatic of the entire

problematic: "L'Italia Š una repubblica democratica, fondata sul

lavoro." ["Il lavoro nella Costituzione" 28]  This brief statement is

pregnant with meaning.  This not the liberal political constitution of

a State which is independent of the economic domain, but rather it is

the juridical declaration of an interventionist State. (6)  According

to a Marxist analysis, the modern State is an agent (perhaps a

relatively autonomous agent) which through exercising coersion and

promoting consent furthers the hegemony of capital over society.  What

does it mean, then, that the State is founded on labor?  (Let us

postpone, for the moment, the question of the "democratic republic".) 

Is the Italian State proclaiming itself the active agent of the

interests of the working class?  Negri proposes that the relationship

between the constitution and labor are indeed profound, but not in the

interests of the working class; rather, the interventionist State

serves as the agent of collective capital, he argues, through "the

constitutionalization of labor", that is through a juridical process

of the integration and containment of the antagonistic forces of the

working class.  In this way, the State is indeed founded on the basis

of productive labor.  Negri's explanation of this phenomenon involves

the study of two separate veins which coalesce in the modern

capitalist State: the evolving functions and juridical structure of

the State-form and the developing economic and social needs and

strategies of capital.  The critique of the capitalist State, then,

can be divided into two complementary avenues of research, one which

investigates the work of juridical theorists to establish a genealogy

of the State and another which reads the economic theorists to

reconstruct a genealogy of capital.  The project of capital, then,

which is the object of the critique, will involve the eventual

synthesis of these two veins.

     Negri locates the point of departure for his discussion of the

genealogy of State theory in the analytical neo-Kantian arguments

which were common components of continental juridical theories through

much of the 19th century. (7)  These arguments typically present a

combination of juridical formalism and juridical positivism.  Law is

positive in that it refers not to a transcendental, metaphysical or

"natural" standard of justice, but rather to actual norms which are

created in specific legal communities.  This juridical positivism can

be linked to the skepticism, generalized in this period, that there is

an objective foundation for value, or rather the conviction that if

such a foundation were to exist we could never gain knowledge of it. 

(Consider, as a point of reference, the resonances of this position

with Weber's claim of the heterogeneity of fact and value, of the Is

and the Ought, in the social sciences.)  However, while juridical

positivism denies a metaphysical or transcendental foundation for

value, it does not resort to a simple proposition of State authority,

of raison d'Etat.  Instead, it conceives of a rational structure of

norms in a formal juridical system.  The forms, which raise the norm

to the level of objectivity, are not transcendental to the system but

immanent in its own structure.  The positivist character of law is

consistent with its formal character on the basis of an analytical

science of law, a jurisprudence, which rationalizes the normative

structure.  In this way, Neo-Kantian formalism poses itself against

the metaphysical basis of natural right theories on one side and

against the arbitrary positivity of raison d'Etat on the other.

     Now, what is important for our purposes, and for the subsequent

developments of juridical theory, is that these positivist and

formalist arguments typically deny or minimalize the role of material

social forces in the foundation of juridical theory and social norms. 

Negri elaborates this point in terms of the thematic of the sources of

norms, a thematic which even the most hermetic formalism must address:

"non c'Š formalismo cos¡ puro che non debba almeno presupporre una

norma fondamentale materialmente caratterizzata dalla collacazione

storica dell'ordinamento." [56]  Indeed, the formalist tradition

addresses the theme of the sources and production of law throughout

its history, but the question most commonly finds an ideal solution

within the formal system of law itself.  "A volerlo dire in termini

estremi, il sistema sembrava inventare le fonti." [57]  Here again we

can see how juridical positivism and juridical formalism merge into a

single theory: the established law and the objective norm coincide

perfectly.  The positive law is posed as the exclusive determinant of

value, yet the sources and production of law do not refer to any

historical or social context but rather remain within the bounds of

the formal schema.  According to Negri, we find the most coherent

exposition of this solution in the framework of classical idealistic

philosophies which make jurisprudence the foundation of right. [57] 

Science, on the basis of its analytical procedure, appears as the

ideal source of the norm and therefore any reference outside of the

formal system to the real, material, productive domain is of a lesser

importance, or even completely irrelevant.  The production of norms

takes place exclusively on the rational plane, and this affords law an

hermetic self-relation.  The formal juridical tradition seems to pose

the problem of sources, then, only to negate the problem itself with

an idealistic resolution.  In this way, the system of norms is unified

and stable; it is self-determining through the positive and formal

process of juridical production.

     This positivist and formalist conception of rule, however, can

only be maintained when the State is afforded a relative autonomy from

economic and social pressures.  The role of the State in this period

is to guarantee the social and political order through the stability

of the juridical system of right.  The Rechtsstaat of juridical

formalism is merely the guarantor not the producer of order; it

maintains a certain distance from the economic domain, allowing the

free expression and interplay of capitalistic forces.  Corresponding

to the liberalism of the State in this period, there is a similar

liberalism of capital.  Negri takes the classical economic theorists

as the point of departure for his genealogy of capital.  According to

these theories, like the State, capital too acts within certain

limits, confining its central focus on the relations of primary

production typified by the factory structure.  Furthermore, individual

capitalists confront labor and compete with each other in an

uncontrolled environment, free from external intervention.  No doubt,

even in this period there is a certain confluence between the State

and capital, but there is also an important autonomy which is central

to both formal juridical theory and laissez-faire economic theory.  In

each case, the central characteristics, and those which define each

theory as liberal, are both the idea of a separation between the State

and the market and the proposition that social order is independent

and self-determining, governed by neither the State nor the market.

     Up to this point, Negri has covered some familiar terrain with a

fairly standard interpretation.  The principle factor left out of each

of these formulations, however, is the power of the working class --

this is the factor which destroys the liberal equilibrium of order and

the separation between the economic and the political.  Let us return

to the critical tenets of Operaismo.  The thesis of the leading role

of the working class in capitalist development presents the nucleus of

this issue from the economic point of view: the form of capitalist

control in any given period is dependent on and conditioned by the

previous pressures and constraints posed by the working class.  Each

time the working class asserts its own autonomy and its antagonism to

capitalist relations of production, capital is forced restructure its

system of rule.  "Il capitale Š costretto a riassorbire continuamente

i livelli determinati del rifiuto operaio dell'alienazione." ["Il

lavoro" 33]  The process of reabsorbing the working class back within

the relational framework of capitalist relations requires two tasks:

capital must broaden the base of control and at the same time

consolidate the pinnacle of leadership; it must accentuate its

triangular structure of rule.  The workers' refusal addresses not only

the specific relation of factory production but continually spills

over to the broader horizon of social production.  The seminal

historical examples are of course the Paris uprising of 1848 and the

Commune of 1871, but closer to Negri's experience is the worker

uprising at Piazza Statuto in Turin in 1962.  The important element in

each example is that the workers' attack was directed not merely

against the individual capitalist but directly against the State, and

not merely on economic but also social and political grounds.  In

response to such attacks, the capitalist restructuration must expand

the base of control to match the social scope of the workers'

antagonism.  In other words, the tendency of capitalist expansion

involves moving beyond the specific form of factory relations of

production toward the control of the relations of production across

the breadth of the social horizon in the form of social capital.  "Il

rifiuto operaio dello sfruttamento capitalistico ha coperto l'intero

ambito della produzione sociale.  Oggi esso si esercita a questo

livello: esattamente nella misura in cui il capitale, che aveva fatto

della fabbrica moderna lo strumento pi£ tipico della propria

accumulazione, ne estende a questo punto le dimensioni materiali fino

a coprire l'intera societ…." [34]  As capitalist relations of

production are forced to extend outside the factory across the entire

social horizon in order to match the breadth of the workers' refusal,

the object of capitalist rule progressively becomes the entire

"societ…-fabbrica", the social factory.  At the same time, however,

since the level of workers' antagonism spreads in a general form,

capital must also match this generality with a coherent leadership or

a united organization of the relations of production.  In other words,

on the part of capital this tendency of consolidation involves the

rejection of the diverse private interests of individual capitalists

in favor of the coherent interest of collective capital.  These are

the pressures which force capital to appeal to and permeate the State

as a form of control, "come organo executivo del capitale collettivo,

come diretto gestore della produzione sociale." [34]  In short, the

expansion of the base toward the "social factory" forces the

consolidation of the summit toward the "social State", which  emerges

as the principle agent in the organization of relations of social

production and in the accumulation of social capital.